Considering the risk of a potential U.S. ban over security concerns, Huawei is prioritizing inventory for its most strategic 4G and 5G routers, switches and base stations and stockpiling on supplies, Nikkei reports.
March 11 - 13, CSIS will host a three-day Master’s-level introduction to China’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). The course will explain what the BRI is, what it is not, and how it is impacting commercial and strategic realities on the ground.
Browse our analysis section for news and articles on topics such as China's Belt and Road Initiative (OBOR), the Competing Visions of Japan, India, and other regional powers, and the stakes for U.S. policy.
U.S. officials announced the launch of the "Blue Dot Network" at the Indo-Pacific Business Forum in collaboration with Japan and Australia. The network will help the U.S. counter China's Belt and Road Initiative by advancing quality infrastructure investment.
Questions of economic development, military power projection, political influence, and global economic suzerainty form the backdrop for what is emerging as a global competition centered on the most economically dynamic region of the world—Asia. And infrastructure development is at the center of that contest.
The U.S. Federal Communications Commission (FCC) will vote in November on whether to classify Huawei and ZTE as a national security risk, a decision that could block U.S. rural carriers from using FCC funding to purchase Huawei products or services.
A provincial government in the Solomon Islands has leased the island of Tulagi to China Sam Enterprise Group, a technology, investment, and energy conglomerate. The agreement grants the conglomerate wide-ranging powers to develop infrastructure on Tulagi and the surrounding islands and has drawn criticism from Solomons Attorney General as well as officials in the U.S. and Taiwan due to debt and legal concerns.
In light of an increasingly dominant Chinese space program under China's Belt and Road Initiative, the newly created Australian Space Agency has invested $150 million AUD to bolster cooperation with the U.S. National Aeronautics and Space Administration, Nikkei reports.
Germany has released its draft security guidelines for new 5G network suppliers which do not exclude Chinese companies, despite U.S. warnings that it will have to reconsider intelligence sharing with allies that use equipment from Chinese manufacturer Huawei, Nikkei reports.
The U.S. has blacklisted over 20 percent of Huawei's global R&D and innovation centers, further limiting the company's access to U.S. technologies, Nikkei reports.
A proposed $10 trillion "Development Green New Deal" recently put forward in the U.S. would fund green infrastructure projects in Asia and elsewhere that could compete with China's Belt and Road Initiative, Nikkei reports.
An Australian and U.S. consortium are in exclusive talks to renovate the Subic Bay shipyard in the Philippines, a former U.S. naval base that opens up to the South China Sea, allaying fears over national security that were triggered by Chinese interest in acquiring the port, Nikkei reports.
A senior Pentagon official has suggested that China may be developing a military presence at Ream naval base in Cambodia, raising concerns that the port and other investments related to China's Belt and Road Initiative could create potential military advantages, Nikkei reports.
If the United States and its allies want to prevent China from dominating next-generation technologies and networks, they must incentivize Western companies to take greater risks in next-generation markets.
On the sidelines of the Group of 20 Summit in Osaka, Prime Minister Narendra Modi held a trilateral meeting with U.S. President Donald Trump and Japanese Prime Minister Shinzo Abe to discuss areas for cooperation on connectivity and infrastructure in the Indo-Pacific, Nikkei reports.
It is critical that public-sector officials responsible for infrastructure development—both at the local and national levels—commit to transparent practices to secure sustainable financing mechanisms.
Government-backed lenders in Japan, the U.S., and Australia plan to issue a statement on their joint infrastructure efforts, including possible joint-financing for an liquefied natural gas terminal in Papua New Guinea. The three countries agreed in November to collaborate on infrastructure projects in the Indo-Pacific as an alternative to China's Belt and Road initiative, according to the Nikkei Asian Review.
The U.S.-China trade war has spurred ASEAN members to complete the negotiation of the Regional Comprehensive Economic Partnership (RCEP). The Asian leaders will also look to find areas of cooperation in digital infrastructure, reports Nikkei Asian Review.
Cambodia and other nations across Southeast Asia are emerging as vital staging grounds for a new form of power struggle between China and its rivals. The growth of Beijing's vast Belt and Road Initiative since 2013 has galvanized the U.S. and its allies -- including Japan, India and Australia -- and prompted them to draw up infrastructure and security programs of their own, writes Gwen Robinson for the Nikkei Asian Review
Huawei, Ericsson, and Nokia are locked in intense competition to dominate the age of 5G telecoms, writes The Financial Times, citing data from the Reconnecting Asia Project.
China Mobile, the world's largest mobile service provider by subscribers, expects to secure a license for commercial 5G services later this year. The company is closely watching developments related to U.S. restrictions on telecommunications equipment from Huawei Technologies, which is expected to play a crucial role in the rollout of 5G, reports the Nikkei Asian Review.
This episode of the ChinaPower's podcast investigates the evolving political and economic circumstances surrounding Chinese telecommunications company Huawei and its attempts to integrate its technology in global markets.
Even as Huawei faces resistance in Western airwaves, it is racing ahead under the world’s seas in a commercial contest that could eventually provide China with strategic advantages.
U.S. president Donald Trump is expected to sign an executive order this week barring U.S. companies from using telecommunications equipment made by firms posing a national security risk, paving the way for a ban on doing business with China's Huawei according to three U.S. officials familiar with the plan, Nikkei reports.
China’s hostile economic practices, military expansion, and coercive political and ideological tactics in Africa should not be ignored. However, establishing a clear distinction between detrimental and essential BRI engagement is crucial to fostering development, building common ground with China, and expanding the global market.
China's Belt and Road (BRI) has taken a beating, but its central feature of big infrastructure projects will remain recognizable for years to come.
Over the next 15 years, more hard infrastructure is projected to be built around the world than currently exists. As our infrastructure is transformed, so will be the economies it fuels, the regions it connects, and the global commons it underpins. These trends are too powerful and potentially beneficial for the United States to stop, and too consequential to ignore.
China and the U.S. are better prepared for the 5G mobile era than any other country, even though South Korea is about to become the first to launch the super fast communications services this week, reports the Nikkei Asian Review.
The European Union has opted to let each member nation decide whether to use equipment from China's Huawei Technologies, snubbing American demands to keep the company out of high-speed 5G networks. Brussels calls for security measures but lets each member choose 5G suppliers, reports the Nikkei Asian Review.
Xi Jinping arrived in Italy today to sign a memorandum of understanding for the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), a development that has already drawn criticism from the U.S. Washington’s frustration is understandable, but it plays right into Beijing’s hand. Publicly criticizing Italy’s decision gives unwarranted weight to vague documents that, like the BRI itself, overpromise and underdeliver.
The U.S. should not conditionalize its infrastructure diplomacy to exclude or de-prioritize countries that participate in China’s Belt and Road. Extending support on an open basis will offer the broadest menu of options to governments and ensure that connectivity integrates, rather than divides, the Indo-Pacific.
A Huawei Technologies senior executive insisted that "no evidence" supports U.S. claims that his company's products pose a security risk, and he urged telecommunications businesses across the globe to choose the Chinese provider for their 5G networks.
David Malpass, U.S. President Donald Trump's nominee to lead the World Bank, told media sources on Wednesday that he hopes to cut the multilateral lender's loans to China, which he believes is too wealthy to receive large loans from the World Bank. Malpass also criticized China's Belt and Road infrastructure initiative, saying that the BRI "leaves countries with heavy burdens of debt," reports Nikkei.
The Chinese government is set to expand infrastructure spending by nearly $10 billion to stimulate the economy amid the growing risk of a financial slowdown as its trade war with the U.S. escalates, according to the Nikkei Asian Review.
The United States announced a $113 million package aimed at developing the Indo-Pacific region's digital economy, energy sector, and infrastructure.
China's Belt and Road Initiative has expanded far beyond its original core of Eurasia and the Middle East, from New Zealand to the Arctic, Africa to Latin America and even outer space. While the BRI is not yet a challenge to the rules-based liberal order, it is a test of it.
The sheer scale and complexity of many infrastructure projects guarantee that disputes will arise. That’s why China is not only pushing projects overseas under its Belt and Road Initiative but increasingly, it is also writing new rules that advance its interests. The implications for the rules-based order—and U.S. interests—could be profound.
This report highlights recommendations on how the U.S. might effectively engage Southeast Asia's infrastructure challenges to foster greater stability and financial integration in the region.
China’s $1 trillion push to build infrastructure across Asia evokes romantic comparisons to the ancient Silk Road, but there is a more recent chapter of history that urges caution. More than a century and a half ago, the United States was a rising power racing westward, building transcontinental railways that delivered limited benefits and exacted a high cost from society. Today, China has taken on that role.
As Europe disappears, Asia coheres. The supercontinent is becoming one fluid, comprehensible unit of trade and conflict, as the Westphalian system of states weakens and older, imperial legacies – Russian, Chinese, Iranian, Turkish – become paramount.
Asia’s powers have embarked on an epochal infrastructure competition that is connecting the region internally and with the world. It is essential that we remain vigilant to ensure health infrastructure investment keeps pace with new connectivity.
On November 30th the CSIS Energy and National Security Program hosted "Hydrogen and Green Shipping: Zero Emission Fuel in the Maritime Sector" to discuss the important role that hydrogen fuel technology could play for shipping in the transition to a low-carbon future.
This report highlights essays from our Big Question series - an analysis collection that explore the drivers and implications of the massive infrastructure push taking place across the Eurasian continent.
It is time to expand transparent, high-standard regional lending mechanisms – tools that will actually help nations instead of saddle them with mounting debt.
When the United States took possession of Alaska from Russia, 150 years ago today, it paid less than two cents an acre. So what happened to the global market for territory?
Quotes and Quotas is a weekly digest of powerful phrases and facts that help explain Asia’s infrastructure push.
As an Asia Pacific power with enormous economic and strategic stakes in the Belt and Road region, the United States cannot afford to sit on the sidelines and watch these infrastructure developments abroad unfold.
The Panama Canal began with coercion, was built at tremendous human and economic cost, and for decades operated with little benefit to locals. In many ways, Panama’s experience last century underscores the risks for developing countries of pursuing megaprojects with this century’s rising power: China.
What might have alarmed U.S. strategists during the Cold War could be cause for relief. The addition of India and Pakistan to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization signals a potential shift away from military coordination and toward economic cooperation.